Who am I

Who am I

Senin, 07 April 2008

Subaltern Voice in Bali

Scattered Memories and Trade-Off Mediation:Subaltern
Voice in Bali

I Ngurah Suryawan


I Ngurah Suryawan holds a Bachelor of Arts from the Department of Anthropology of the Udayana University in Bali. He has conducted fieldwork in Tegalbadeng Village in Jembrana, West Bali, the location of some of the mass killings in 1965-66. He is the writer of several published works including Bali: Narasi dalam Kuasa (Bali: Narrative in Power), Jejak-jejak Manusia Merah (Footsteps of the Reds), 2005.


Abstrack

The mass slaughter of Balinese leftists, committed by other Balinese, between 1965 and 1966, are still shrouded in mystery. The mass slaughters of 1965 reveals many problems around contesting subjectivities, personal tensions, rivalry and conflicting interests, including notions of what constitute Balinese ‘culture’. There was the suggestion that those who were killed somehow ‘deserved it’, rationalised by relying on ‘cultural practices’ and rituals.
Yet on the other side of this are the beginnings of a counter-culture. Arising from the Balinese subaltern groups (ex-tapol and family victims), this counter-cultural movement seeks to open up space for suppressed voices to be heard - voices which are also valid representatives of Balinese culture, though silenced for decades.
Reconcilliation and peace in mass slaughters of 1965 can only done if the victims and prepetators goes through a process of “trade-off mediation”. In it, the victims are given voicing spaces about violence they got and the prepetators are done to be aware of their violence.
This especially can be done by carring out Bali Traditional Ritual such as ”Ngulapin”. So that the victims and their family get peaceful and no more conflict at all. Although it is complicated.
Facilitating the voices of the subaltern is an important part of reconciliation. My fieldwork and overall research has focused on recovering these voices, specifically from Bali, with the aim of furthering grassroots reconciliation.













Scattered Memories and Trade-Off Mediation:Subaltern
Voice in Bali

I Ngurah Suryawan

“...Dumun nike wenten anak jerit-jerit ring tegalne. Wenten sane nepukin sepeda mejalan pedidine. Tongos niki tenget, nikangne driki dumun semer tongos metanem anggota PKI waktu Gestok. Mangkin kan wenten pelinggih driki...”

(Dulu ada orang menjerit-jerit di ladang ini. Ada juga yang melihat sepeda berjalan sendiri. Tempat ini memang angker, ceritanya dulu sumur ini tempat ditanamnya anggota PKI saat Gestok. Makanya sekarang ada tempat pemujaaan disini)
(Kadek Artana, Desa Melaya, Kabupaten Jembrana, 2 April 2005)


(There was people screamed on this field. Some people saw bicycle moved by it self. This place is sacred, it is told that this well was used to burry the members of PKI on he November 30th Movemnet incident. That is why there is
a temple for worship here)
(Kadek Artana, Melaya Village, Jembrana Regency, April 2nd, 2005).


A monument, what ever it looks like is a sign of memories. But, there are many question behind those memories. A lot of heroic stories, cruelty, bloodshed, and tears lead our memories into a narration and a memory. In Bali, monument is built in every intersection. In the center of the city, the “Monumen Perjuangan Rakyat Bali” Monument of the Balinese Struggle, stands in greatness.
This country made a lot of monuments which make people remember to the historical events and how heroism was the heroes and their struggles. But sometimes we forget to realize what was behind the greatness of the monument, what kind of foundation that made it, what kind of lies were created from it as the memories are set up and institutionalized. Sometimes the greatness of the monument makes us fprget to claim the truth behind it at all.
The monument’s lies make us forget with another “monument” behind it which is scattered in the people’s mind that was kept in silence by the one and only truth of the monument. I have a remembrance, a field note axactly, about how the violence history in Bali kept another monument which was silenced for this whole time. Those “monuments” conceive from the information I tried to trace the memories about the “cruelty field” in the lands of the “Reds” in Bali.
Kadek Sutha accompanied me to pass through the bamboo’s twigs toward a field. I daydreamed, looking at the sky and hearing the twigs of the bamboos rustling in the wind. Setting foot into a field that full of bushes and wild plants was the first time for me. As far as my eyes could see it was only a field or precisely called a thick bamboos forest. Vaguely I saw a pelinggih (a small temple for worship) with a putrefield green painted wood roof.
I realized, I had entered what is talked by the Melaya people in Jembrana Regency, West Bali, as the “Lubang Buaya”, Crocodile Hole. It is not the great monument of seven revolution heroes, but it just the “Crocodile Hole” in Melaya Village in Jembrana Regency. Without diorama and monument in which can clarify that this place is the witness of the cruelty. There is only abreast of thick bamboos and wild plants surrounded the pelinggih.[1]
Kadek Sutha who accompanied me said chilly, “Driki dumun nikang nak tua-tua bangke-bangke taneme. Wenten kirang langkung seket, “ ( A long time ago, as the old men said that here were the corpses buried. It was about fifty corpses) he said while pointing at the ground around us which we steped and stood. That was the only he said, and the rest we just looked at the ground we stepped on lay fifty corpses of the “Reds” of Bali, who were accused as the members and sympathizers of PKI (Indonesia Communist party). In this place—coming from the witneses of mass killing in Jembrana—there was one of the wells that were used to put the corpses also used the villager’s wells to throw the corpses. The rest were thrown at Candikuning Beach, near the Village.[2]
I heard one of the wells was beside the pelinggih. And the holes were dig surrounded the pelinggih which had been hedged be cemented wood. I ventured to squad. I touched the ground and took the soil. I smelt it as my honor to the dead bodies and the souls who lay in rest under this ground. My sigh is my sorrow, my emotion and my disbelief. Why brothers killing could happen in 1965 until 1969 in Bali? For me, the erupted of Agung Mountain in 1963 as the sign of Aeb Jagad (the destruction of the land) is not the reason like what has been told by the elders in the village. There was something wrong with the Balinese humanity on that time by neing cruel and justifying killing people by menyupat (let someone free from this world toward a better life by killing).
Next to the “Crocodile Hole” is the house of kadek Sutyha who lives with his parents. They live in simple house with bamboos roof and frame. Both of his parents had been waiting for us. I sat with crossong my legs and accompanied Kadek‘ father to have a talk. He started from telling his job in peeling coconut until telling his family, and the I ventured to ask about the truth of the “Crocodile Hole” in the field at the back of his house.
Suddenly, after being asked about the “Crocodile Hole”, he told by whispering it carefully.”Nggih, dumun nike semer tiang.Sandikala wenten truk merika ngentungin bangke.Tiang tengkesiap,tapi tiang nikange siep gen,”he said (yes,it was the family well.There was a truck throwing corpses into the well in the evening. I was surprised, but I was asked to keep silent). The corpses were piled and jammed into the small well which precisely could not put up even only fifty corpses.Two other wells in the village also like that. In the evening,Kadek’s father continued his story by saying that a very penetrating odor from the dead bodies and their bloods filled the village air.
Then where did the corpses came from? Where the massacre was took place? I followed the stories of the massacre in mekepung land – the other name of Jembrana. From the witnesses stories I came to the story about a village named Tegalbadeng[3] and an old shop named Wong Shop. Tegalbadeng derives from Balinese word. If we transllete it into Indonesia it means black field. Tegal means field and badeng means black.
Tegalbadeng Village located far inside from the center of Negara city, Jembrana, in West Bali. The location makes it become localized. There are two village; they are West Tegalbadeng and East Tegalbadeng. Going into the village,following the footpath with a heavily wooded area,I saw there are still many rice-growing areas which are done by the local people. In East tegalbadeng, the distance between the houses is not close from one to another. On the contrary, West Tegalbadeng has become a housing complex by the existence of Tegalbadeng National Housing.
One of the documents that revealed the version of Tegalbadeng incident was written by Wayan Reken (the late). According to his version, at 9 pm on November 30th, 1965, a report was received from a muslim local people from Tegalbadengn Village to the Anshor post in West Loloan in which explained that there was a secret meeting of the PKI party in Tegalbadeng Village. The secret meeting took place in a house of a police,exactly at the West of Pande Temple. This report was delivered to the spy “Kompi D.471” company D.471 at Negara. And to check the check the validity of the report two spy soldiers together with tens of Young Anshor from West Loloan were sent.
The Young Anshor parties who accompanied two spy soldiers were hold up by the PKI guards whens they were going to do the inspection to the secret meeting at tegalbadeng Village. Unexpectedly,when the spy soldier and the Young Anshor parties forced to enter the yard, they were thrown by stones and shot from inside. A lot of flashlights lighted the yard where the Young Anshor stood. And then a violent battle happened.
A large number of PKI mass in Tegalbadeng – the place which was known as the PKI bases in Jembrana – sounded the wooden alarm so the other mass of PKI who hid around them came to attack. Because the Young Anshor had not enough people, the Young Anshor parties orced o enter the yard , they were thrown by stones and shot from inside. A lot of flashlights lighted the yard where the Young Anshor stood. And then a violent battle happened.
A large number of PKI mass in Telagbadeng—the place which was known as the PKI bases in Jembrana—sounded the wooden alarm so the other mass PKI who hid around them came to attack. Because the Young Anshor had not enough people, the Young Anshor parties when back by leaving the dead spy soldier named Regar and two other Young Anshor’s corpes. Then this incident was reported to the “Kopkamtib” (Komite Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban) Kompi D, Command for the Restoration and of Security and Public Order at D Company in Jembrana Regency and in that night, as soon as possible troops were sent to attack the PKI mass defense in Telagbadeng Village. Behind the D Company troops were the Islam mass who joined them to attack the secret place of PKI in a police house named Pan Santun. After that a violence battle were happened. Thousand of PKI mass were run away, went back and scattered while the wound or dead were hidden by their friends and then they disappeared.[4]
From this incident the anger of the mass of Front Pancasila started to reach the climax. The PNI Front Marhaenis organized their mass to destroy PKI up to its roots. The armies with the “Kopkamtib”, Command of the Restoration of Security and Public Order behind them, the Young Anshor and DMI (Indonesia Djamiatul Muslims) Nahdatul Ulama, with the reason of the dead of the Young Anshor declared Djihad (holy war) against PKI.
The controvertion about the Tegalbadeng incident started to be revealed when I met someone who decided no to speak for a long time. His memories which were preserved for a long time one by one was told by him carefully. His name is Wayan Morda. I knew him from a political prisoner of ’65 incident who was jailed for a long time. This man knew that Wayan Morda was the police driver who went back and forth to take the prisoners of PKI’s members and sympathizers. As the police member, he also had to check and watch the prisoners.
The interesting story from Wayan Morda is his version about the Tegalbadeng incident which is mentioned as the anger source of the mass of Front Pancasila and also the mass killing of the PKI’s members and sympathizers. His story also become another version of Tegalbadeng incident and even it makes acclaim to the version that was written by Wayan Reken (the late). His narration becomes another narration from a memory of a history witness of the ’65 victims. His memory, his story, his narration said that the secret meeting issue which besed the attack was the beginning of the entire catastrophe. Most of the people in Tegalbadeng who were the members and sympathizers of PKI started to be afraid. They heard there was arrestment of their friends at the other places and also the news about the house burning and kidnapping. “I remember just before the attack there was piodalan (ritual ceremony) at Pande Temple in tegalbadeng,” said Wayan Morda while thinking the incident on that time.
His face started to blush, his forehead wrinkled. Clearly he showed that he disagreed with the public opinion about Tegalbadeng incident which said that PKI did a secret meeting, moreover prepared the attack to the mass of Front Pancasila and the Anshor who did the inspection to the village. While correting his seat he started his story. There was a police named Santun in Tegalbadeng. The villagers who became the members and sympathizers of PKI asked for protection to the policemen. They were afraid if one day their houses would be burned or their relatives would be kidnap and killed. “Perhaps, mass of people who gathered at Santun’s house could be called having in illegal meeting ,” re replied without doubt to give a different perspective.
As a policeman Wayan Morda who was assigned in Denpasar at that time knew exactly how all these Tegalbadeng scenario was controlled and designed by the military. Morda remembered when he came home to Negara, Jembrana Regency at Galungan, there was arrestment by mass to people whom accused as PKI members and participant. “I remembered there was many of my friends were bald, which means they were PKI members and participant, said Wayan Morda remembering friends who were active in youth organization with him. Before becoming a policeman, Morda was active in youth organization with them. Through this relationships, he believed there would be many of great people born in his village, Banjar Tengah, Negara, in Jembrana Regency.[5]
Morda saw the army together with mass from Front Pancasila had designed to put a momentum of Tegalbadeng incident as a reason to wipe out PKI. One dead army spy and two other Banser (Islamic militia) members were sacrificed by their forces as a reason to do the slaughter. With a serious face, Morda who always carry a belly bags, knows axactly that army forces once have been train martial art to Pemuda Rakyat (PKI Youth Organization). The army also joins into Pemuda Rakyat organization. Which means they were actually know each other before. “At the slaughtering, these armies however had killed their own friends”.[6]
And a statement which said Jembrana Kaon Ulian Orti (Jembrana destroyed by an issue) was true. Tegalbadeng incident clearly shows it all. It was all began from an issue that PKI were doing an illegal meeting to do an assault to PKI members prison camps which guarded by the army together with mass of Front Pancasila. “Report” and “illegal” version which recorded by Wayan Reken also should be check as whose design and accuse? It might well to consider Wayan Morda remembrance which said that these were only the army and mass of Front Pancasila tricks to blame PKI as a reason to do a complete elimination of this hammer and sickle party to its roots.
In the end the history contruction is facing the documents (Mr. Reken) with the remembrance (Wayan Morda). History records were told by Mr. Reken stick well without doubt in peoples mind. History was only based on fact in legal documents, which considered factual and valid to history study “the high tide” (elite). Meanwhile Wayan Morda’s remembrance was a narration of a frozen social remembrance expression, with no other version. Wayan Morda started his narration as a psychological remembrance with histories statement from “the low tide” (victim).

Ritual and Politic: The Initiative of Bali’s Reconciliations?
A grandma, whose hair began to white, sat gather with hundreds people in the road. Wearing Balinese custom, and shawl covered her head from heat of the sunlight, she seriously followed the ceremony which held in the one of Singaraja’s town catus pata (crossroad), Buleleng regency, north of Denpasar. From the old to the young man with hair colored and earring attended the ceremony. They were willing to stand under heat and such great crowd. What they did was only holding adegan/sawa, symbol of the death people spirit, inform of janur (decoration made of young coconut leaf) and white-yellow cloth.
That noon, 7th September 2004, the weather was terribly hot. In front of that hundreds people who brought adegan/ sawa, there was a banner “Atma Papa Kabupaten Buleleng, 7 September 2004, Catus Pata Singaraja. Majelis Desa Pakraman dan Pemda Buleleng, (Atma Papa Ceremony, 7th September 2004, Singaraja’s Catus Pata, Buleleng’s Traditional Villages Organization and Local Government). That banner was the reason of the people sitting there behind the tent or around that place. Until the police serene heard accompanying the arrival of some luxurious cars. From the cars, which guarded by police and army, appeared Putu Bagiada, Buleleng regent with another official government.
By the opening speech from the head of the ceremony, it was known the purpose of local government in organizing the ritual. “Atma Papa as meant and effort to protect our costume, culture and religion. And the most important, preparing the atma (spirit) in getting a better status. Therefore religion and government have a responsibility to make the world in peace and ajeg (strength) forever,”
After hearing this opening speech, hundreds of people who holding the adegan prayed and surrounded the Catus Pata. All of them then went to the one of Buleleng Village’s cemetary. Those adegans was burnt as a symbol of cremation ceremony which never done yet. The ashes of the adegans continued to spread off in the sea. This ritual also attended by many religion leaders while bringing some offering.
The enthusiasm shown by those people were specially requested by the local government. Each head of the village in Buleleng had to follow the instruction. Although some banjar (smallest unit of society in Bali) had impressed their disagreement, but finally, all 1965 villages in Buleleng participated in this ceremony. Each village represented by two adegans, so totally there were 332 adegan. The refusal by some banjar itself appeared because they feel the ceremony was only a project to spend government budget and strengthen the power of Putu Bagiada.
So it was not wondering if all those people who participated in this ceremony didn’t know what they should do and what was it for. But before it was held, each leader of the villages had explained that atma papa had a purpose to sacred the spirit of the death people. Same as the statement from official’s government, those haunted spirits potentially damaged and destroyed human life. So that, it was needed to held such ceremony. Regent Putu Bagiada confirmed, “This ceremony to prevent Buleleng from evil spirits which never done yet.. We do it to keep Buleleng ajeg (strength),” he said clearly.
Most of the victims sacred in the ceremony were without identity. They became victim of some human tragedies such as natural disaster, war and violence. Many life disappeared and their corpse unknown by the family or friends. Then from initiative of villages and government, ceremony to sacred their soul was finally held. Especially in Buleleng, war which called Puputan Jagaraga against Dutch colonial took the biggest amount of victims. Also another disaster and the most unforgettable tragedy, political violence in 1965, when Balinese killed each other.
Many people refuse to comment when asked those who died were the victim of political violence in Buleleng. They only said, after mapeluasan (asking to Balinese shaman) it was realized that one of their ancestor need a ceremony to reach the heaven. As they know, the victim of 1965 massacre in Buleleng itself had sacred by another ceremony gather in the victim of disaster and war before.
However, there was different version from a woman in middle age who wearing all white dress. This woman was a pemangku (holy man in Hindu Bali’s teaching) from Grokgak Village. She said, in that time many members of the village lost suddenly and never known where and how they were. Besides knowing their forefather fought against the Dutch, she also experienced horrible tragedy of 1965 (known as Gestok). But all of the victims, she added had sacred in ceremony held by the government. She told a couple years after 65 tragedy, gather with her family, they followed a ritual for those Ulah Pati (died in abnormal way), a popular term in naming the Gestok victim. She exactly forgot the ceremony, but by the time each member of villages in Bali had to pray in Besakih temple and received holy water. While in their own village, the people made an offering to follow this Upacara Gumi (ceremony which held all over Bali).
Unfortunately, local government claimed that all villages of Buleleng were surrounded by the evil spirit. Based on that generalization, each of the village then represented with a couple of adegan, man and woman. Accompanied by hundreds community members, they suddenly came to Buleleng crossroad. But in fact, the remarkable atmosphere of the ceremony was strongly different compared to 1965 massacre when family of the victim did ritual ngenteg (recalling death soul) silently in cemetary. Another people even didn’t show a respect cause they only know that ngenteg only held for a person who died as a member of communist. PKI (Indonesian Communist Party).
In 1965, a ritual for the spirit from death people whose their body couldn’t be find, only knowing by the member of family. Terms luas ke Jawa (going to Java, other island out of Bali) usually used in reflecting they had no hope in finding husband, dad, or other family who lost and certainly died in unknown places. Since hearing that term, the families try to collecting same information. If failure, they would do ngenteg ritual by those adegans referring to the corpse, same as in atma papa.
When the family of the victim held cremation ceremony without the corpse, government was not fully supported. Bitterness and sadness that they felt still exist. Their innocence gesture remind a question where were those corpse of the victim? Where were they buried? Where and who were the killer? Or another question which never be answered by the government. What the only this state could do years after 1965 tragedy was hide tidily that sad story by kind of awesome and luxurious rituals in Bali. While government held those remarkable ceremonies, like Atma Papa which already done in Buleleng, historical witnesses’ massacre in Bali still keep sadness in their memory. Mass cemetary of the victim familiar in the heart of people as they followed those kinds of ‘cleanse” ceremonies. Political ritual tidily suppressed the violence memory of the victim. The entire bad thing being normalized by the ceremonies, big and holy ritual to disappear the truth in the name of God, Ida Sang Hyang Widhi Wasa.
Balinese had been long time surrender and defend their life in such ceremony as last alternative. Though they never find the corpse of people who died, it’s enough for them just recall the spirit and held ngenteg ritual. Because Hinduism of Bali believes the purity of human is the unification between atma (spirit) and paramatma (god) to reach moksha (eternal world). This logic teaching utilized by the government to conduct various ‘cleanse’ ceremonies which goes smoothly without a struggles from the society.
Ceremonies, rituals, finally become the solution of their restlessness and curiosity about finding where the mass cemetary of 1965 victim does located. “Nah, nak mula keto (Ok, those are their destiny to be like that),” usually said by some Balinese figure who are forced to receive the lost of their family member. The state who truly involved in 65 tragedy then gets a way to more hide all of the violence story.
But from that untold story, there are collective memories from the victim, people who directly see the tragedy, even the ‘actor’ of the violence itself, especially 65 massacre which happened in Bali. Various awesome ritual held in Bali post-65 tragedy and today being rearrange is a way to normalized the memories even replace it with the happiness impressed by the ceremony. Cleanse the memories is obviously impossible to be done. Those two contrast thing are exist in Bali nowadays. In one side the ritual strongly influence by political situation, while the politics of memory and narrative truth from the victim will never end. Both of them even related each other.
Rituals become necessities, while memory and the violence will always remember till the end of the life. Finally, rituals only as an instrument, such way to sacred the violence that might never lost. It only becomes a space of battle between the different purposes of government, traditional villages, political figures, and the man behind the violence. Such rituals and ‘cleanse’ of violence raise discourse about suppressing the memory of the people impossible to be done. This new discourse becomes antithesis for political memory of the victim, especially in the case of 1965 tragedy. It committed alongside harmonious and normalization project by the state in New Order regime to prevent the exposes of the truth. The state and authoritarian New Order successfully arrange their project from post-1965 to 2000 which had spent tens billion of budget. By this project most of Indonesian and Balinese had been ‘brain-washed’ into the harmonious and normalize ritual to push aside the memory of violence happened in Bali. The successful of those projects can’t be denied.
Ritual related to political situation is certain matter. More extreme, politic and ritual serve each other. Power become ties to binds those two different purposes. Cause all kind of power need ritual to legitimate themselves. In this case, the state opens an opportunity to conduct awesome and glamour ritual. The state has been supported people in doing marvelous ceremonies constantly. To show up their great effort, even the state is willing to spend lot of money if necessary.
Without saying, rituals have been the ‘heart’ of Balinese culture which in the hand of the state become area of contests. If someone against them, conflict might appear, but at the same time it accompanied by the birth of solidarity, consensus, and brotherhood. There are protest in certain time, however in other moment, solidarity grow up to support the ceremony. This kind of the politics ritual involving Balinese as pioneer to unify their culture, also for official’s government, elite figures, and political broker even leader of each traditional village.
Besides atma papa in Buleleng, other ‘cleanses’ ritual of 65 violence also held in Bali. In 1979, was conducted a great ceremony called Eka Dasa Rudra and Panca Bali Krama at the biggest temple, Besakih, which followed by all others temples all over Bali. The aims were to sacred the soul of Balinese whose lost their life by volcanic eruption of Mount Agung and G30S massacre in 1965-1966. Next nyapuh jagad ceremony was held again as cleansing the world from the trauma of disaster that is believed created by kala (God of Wickedness). The ceremony also involved the victims of PKI whose their body had or hadn’t find yet. Although sponsored by the state and PHDI (Parisadha Hindhu Dharma Indonesia, highest organization of Hindu Bali in Indonesia), that time the ceremony was not as marvelous and internationally reported as Mapharisudha Karipubhaya after Legian, Kuta bombing in 2001.
In this context, ceremony not only to harmonious the cosmos or balance of nature that often heard in religious preaching, but also totally related to the project of the state/local government and PHDI, to keep the rule of community as pengayah (servant) in some big ceremonies. Contrast to the time in colonial age, when kings of Bali has good relation with their people.
Political ritual is the effort to disguise power in ceremony like did by the New Order. They smartly ‘play’ the ritual to gain fraternity that utilized to reach political purposes. The state also tries to normalized and harmonious what have happened in the society. And referring statement from Michaud Foucault, the most brilliant effort by the state is in strengthening the relation of power. The occurrences of some conflicts from communal group of politics (soroh, kind of clan with great of amount in Bali) just become intern part of the power that has already built. Those conflicts tend to isolate and individualized the protest not as public problem, but only special case to the certain small group of people. Ceremonies besides support well-organized communal relation, in fact also provoke conflicts. Discourses raised by the state, even prevent the leaders of Hindu Bali (pemangku and pedanda) to make some ceremonies in certain way that had been standardized. The politic of communal finally succeeded by those great and glamour ceremony which fully manipulated by the state.

The Restoring of Fragility Relation : Humanizing People
Barbarous faces of Balinese when killing each other left bitterness, tears, lost, grudge, and unforgettable memory. That dark story still exist in the memory of all historical witnesses who have been silent for tens years. Those untold voices are a valuable treasure to break the political culture construction which inherited from one generation to another up to now. Are the Balinese really as ‘human’ in the tragedy of 1965? Or their humanism have already shadowed by anger, grudge till they act as wild animal? Where are the humanism side of Balinese who always impressed ‘sweet’, respect each other and full of smile?
However the survivors, children, and the family of victim constantly keep a lot of memories which forbidden to talk into public, daily life in traditional villages with other member of community when they attending a ceremony. Communism stigma seems as a ‘ghost’ and should be destroyed by culture and tourism. The traumatic narration from survivors and the families tidily covered in term of “Jangan mengungkit-ngungkit lagi masa lalu yang kelam, let don’t reveal the dark of the past anymore,” which well-operated by ‘miraculous trio’: cultural, tourism and power.
The survivors and families post 1965 tragedy live in same world as the ‘slaughterer’ of the Balinese whose their hand still blood. Sadism memories about the slaughterer done by their own neighborhood are unforgettable. Grudge must be paid off and become an evil circle of violence which unstoppable in Bali. Every family tend to re-telling again and again how their dad, mother, grandfather, grandma, brother, lover, were killed by neighborhood next to their own house in the same banjar (smallest unit of society in Bali). Balinese then become familiar with violence and desire to get revenge. Those memories have been legacies from one generation to another.
The survivors and families still branded as new communist who all must be pushed aside, discriminated, and underestimated as abnormal people. They (the survivors and families) have been unhumanized any more and recognized as ‘trash and the enemy of public’.
The slaughterer have been enjoyed this situation and have no responsibility to build relation, interact, even share each other with the victims and families. It is difficult in telling the truth of 65 tragedy to another generation, or explains what their status and position in that time. However, spaces to gain dialogue and shares, between the survivors and the families of the victim must be conducted, although nowadays it’s tough thing to do. But in that meeting, we will know their grudge, emotion full of surprise, hypocrisy, pride, even some regret from the ‘slaughterer’. It is really uneasy to image what the meeting might be.
Those kinds of efforts, once has done by Degung Santikarma (2004), an anthropolog who focus his study about violence in 1965 tragedy, and one of many sons whose father lost and never return in horrible day of kidnapping people who were accused as member of PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) 1965-1966. He clearly wrote the situation and his memory of being met with one of the tameng, (slaughterer), and a man who became the ‘director’ of his father death.
Degung wrote,” It’s been pass for more than thirty years and I don’t forget Pak Wayan. In my experienced as a child who are too early labeled unclean (popular term for discriminate the victim of 65 tragedy), it’s more than a mud of farm which sometimes stick in our nail. The memories are not a choice, but part of life that can’t be erased. Pak Wayan and I have been neighborhood since I was born. Every time in some rituals, social work, in celebration of holy ceremony or attending cremation , Pak Wayan is always in front of my nose. And since I was five years old, when my father was lost forever, I have heard that Pak Wayan was one of the ‘director’ who behind his death,”
Bloody ritual happened in 1965, not only make my father lost his life but also my uncle, who jailed, that I always visit in every weekend on the jail. I always busy by the story off the fired house’s ruins, that destroyed and plunder by the mass which can only be seen by the old man who already frightened and surrendered about their life. My mother and aunt who suddenly became a widow could only save some important things such as certificate, family picture, and the books left by the man who in that time called tameng...”
Memories about Pak Wayan, recorded in the mind of Degung from a meeting between them. Although in the age of 73 years, Pak Wayan still look young. His hair already white, but his eye sight brightly impress as an important person, or according to local slogan ‘anak kanggoang gumi (a person with great influence). When Pak Wayan was young, he became a government official and nationalist figure. Such great power he had, even some people called him Sang Hyang Suratma, God from Hindu’s mythology who lead the next world beyond human life. Suratma also believed manage the life and the death of people in this world. And Pak Wayan almost seems as Suratma when 65 tragedy occur, in which some people who considered will be the victim came and asked a help to him, to not get killed. But the man, who then survived, changed from loser to brief person same as the tameng . Pak Wayan itself now has been a grandfather. After retiring from his work, he spends most of the days to take care of his grandchild while keep on reading lontar (sacred book of Balinese) and become traditional village figure.
From the meeting with Pak Wayan, Degung told his experiences.

With heart beating hard, I tried to knock the door. And when it was opened, Pak Wayan saw me in a surprise impression. After having a glass of coffee and some snacks, our conversation were starting about long summer time, children health, the expensive of education nowadays, and ceremony in village temple. But when our conversation came to the 65 tragedy, the situation change to be formal and unfriendly enough.

“What I’ve did in periode of Gestok was not much. Only helped official to arrest them who were suspected as the member of these party with ‘hammers and sickle’ symbol (PKI), said Pak Wayan. “The lists of their names were on a map carried by uniformed officials. So, I just helped to show their house. It was easy because they were my neighbor and my close friend. Then I take them to sub district head, that all, not more or less,” Pak Wayan added distinctly, though his gesture didn’t support what he said. His hand was trembling and his body looks like sweating, till his calf hit the table and the coffee split out. But he still refused knowing that the effort to take his friends and neighbor into the subdistrict office would be their last meeting. “That’s all ordered by the state,” he continued in sadness while shaking his head. For a while, the silence came, and the voice of lizards heard like it was the witness of these meeting. “That’s all in the past, let’s forget it. I agree with the reconciliation in order to make the mistake not repeated anymore,”[7]

I wanted to believe Pak Wayan. I wanted to believe that we can take lesson from the mistake. But those belief stand in a very fragile foothold. Before end the meeting and leaving his house, Pak Wayan saw me his picture dressed in official, wearing tie, and hat hand in hand with the regent who inaugurate him in the pass. “This picture was taken when I became a Member of Parliament period of seventhies,” he said while smile proudly, like distinct that he has no hesitation that time like what he feel today,”[8]
The way people remember and forget have their own meaning, also what Pak Wayan did to try in reveal their memories. Degung Santikarma wants to show how forgiving each other, the idea of reconciliation, can’t be created if each of the human still hiding behind the pride being order by the state. That in fact they were involved in that such violence. How can we humanize the Balinese who is till bleeding by the violence, if they don’t confessing himself, realizing or even regretting. So how to humanizing such those people?
The ‘winner’, the actor of the tragedy might defend their self by stating they were suffering in the era of PKI. They were also suppressed by the communist. So by killing the member of PKI, they avoid to get killed in other time if this party wins the election campaign. These political memories of those slaughterers who are labeled as communist become the basic from the appearance of some protest in Indonesia. But when the regime of New Order had fallen out, the memory of the history victims starting to show up giving new version of truth against the manipulated fact that make by the New Order before.
The revelation of truth by recalling the memory of the victims must be done to gain different perspective for the hegemonic and monolithic history like what have been reproduce by the state and it’s power. Humanizing people arrange by allowing them to speak in public area, study the way they remember, forget, and resaving those memories in bitterness, emotion and other effort to struggle.
However, humanizing people should not stuck in revelation the truth or political memories from the victims and the actor of 65 tragedy, but hopefully more than that. This kind of politic not juts divided them into ‘victims’ and ‘actor’. Two kinds of these memories are contrast, show hypocrisy, defection, like the attitude of Pak Wayan who keeps in proud though killed his neighbor. He enjoy his position as slaughterer which gaining a good status of parliament member.
Degung Santikarma distrusts the idea of humanizing people and reconciliation, which stand in the fragile foothold, like what did by Pak Wayan. In the future, humanizing people should move away from those two contrast memories. This is the real threat and challenge which will face by the project of humanizing people. So it’s not enough just giving them publicity as kind of therapist but more important is to erase the stigma of communist and the destroyer of Balinese harmony.
It’s better to break the stagnant of that political memory by the victims and the actor itself in ethical approach. The ethical approach try to remember what we have done that already make other people suffer. The ‘slaughterers’ surely have a lot of memories, traumatic and hopefully a regret. The memories will always exist and like a ghost who hunts their life.
Therefore, ethical politic[9] approach from the memories inspired us to adapt the slogan, ”Happiness of the other, Perfection of the self,” meant try to make other people happy and make us perfect, free from guiltiness, and such kind of trauma. In this point, morality and narrative ethic give a significant value to humanizing people. But those Balinese who are the actor of the tragedy will be really difficult to do this. However, that is the challenge and pride to confess the mistake which they’ve made. In order we can proudly to gain reconciliation, humanizing people, without suspicious and stand in the fragile foothold.











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[1] Half of this manuscript has been published in I Ngurah Suryawan, “Mass Grave Fieldwork”, Kompas July 2nd , 2005.
[2] A fieldwork report in Jembrana Regency Bali, Januari- April 2005 and September-November 2006.
[3] Tegalbadeng Village in Jembrana, the West Balli, which adjoin Java Island, based on the story of the history doer sand witnesses was the first place whe the conflict between the mass of PNI and PKI happened. In Tegalbadeng Village the mass of Front Pancasila did the house burning, kidnapping, and killing toward the people who were accused having relation with PKI and its mass organization. For more detail I describes in Ladang Hitam Pulau Dewa (Studi Awal Pembantaian Massal 1965-1966 di Bali) Black Field of God Island (earlier study of mass killing in 1965-1966 in Bali), manuscript in PUSdep fellowship program (The Centre of History and Politic Ethics) Sanata Dharma University,Yogyakarta, April-September 2005.
[4] This history report is an earlier description of the mass killing in Jembrana Regency, written by Wayan Reken (the late) in “Operasi Front Pancasila (Mengikis Habis Gerakan PKI 30 September 1965 sampai dengan Mei 1966)”. The description has not been published. This version gets many protest from the victims and the history does of the ’65 incident in Jembrana Regency.
[5] Interviewed with Wayan Morda at his house Banjar (village) Tengah, Negara, Jembrana Regency, March 16th , 2005.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Taken from article entitled “Kehilangan Rekonsiliasi” by Degung Santikarma, Kompas April 28th 2003
[8] Ibid.
[9] Taken from “Kekerasan dan Politik Ingatan” (Violence and Political Memory) at the class of Ilmu Religi dan Budaya (Religious and Cultural Studies, IRB), Sanata Dharma University, Yogyakarta, by Dr. Budiawan on 8, 15 and 29 of April 2005.

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